Ben franklin essay conclusion

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Perhaps Weinberger's most controversial assertion about Franklin is that he had no political principles and wasn't concerned with forms of government, whether monarchic or democratic.

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But if Franklin's philosophy and natural science led him to reject ordinary moral opinion, they may have also led him to think that there was an optimal theory of politics and economics that would support those political principles critical to furthering his own philosophic project. Professor Ketcham ignores this contradiction, which is not "trivial. But Franklin was not a conscientious republican—he was an egalitarian and a kind of libertarian, and any form of government that would promote these ends was just fine with him.

As regards Franklin and the three-fifths compromise, he really did come to oppose slavery and I don't doubt his sincerity in promoting the anti-slavery petition. But he didn't oppose slavery on natural-rights grounds or because he thought it was a sin against God, as the very piece Ketcham mentions "Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim on the Slave Trade" makes clear.

I agree with almost everything Professor Lerner says in his elegant letter—especially with his comment that Franklin cared a lot about the British Empire, America, and Philadelphia. In my view, however, Franklin thought the attachments of the heart quite different from the obligations of moral duty, and believed the former to be real but the latter to make no sense.

Professor Lerner seems to think that without the two together we find "closet nihilism. To the charge of selfish nihilism, Franklin would reply that the good things of life are best enjoyed when not distorted by our moral hopes, and that friendship, public service, and other common pursuits are very good things. That said, I admit that I can't read Franklin without sensing reserve, not just of the mind but of the heart as well, in his public professions of duty.

Professor Pangle hangs me for my Franklin because the evidence I offer is only the "ubiquity of his humor" and the "adolescent essay" that denied free will. Not so.

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Overall, Benjamin Franklins leadership, hardwork and courage has paid off and has given him a legacy that has lasted for centuries. Benjamin Franklin has. Process Paper!! My partner and I choose Benjamin cause he was a good leader. And let an awesome choose Ben cause he invented too many things.

Franklin's humor is ubiquitous, and that makes it shameless, which is a real problem for anyone who thinks of Franklin as a paragon of moral virtue. But I don't derive my view of Franklin from that fact alone. I don't offer the adolescent essay A Discourse on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain as direct evidence, either. Pangle needs to read what Franklin said about that essay more carefully.

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Franklin never says that its conclusion was "absurd. I agree with Pangle that Franklin became increasingly irritated at mounting British stupidity and that his satirical propaganda reflected the fact.

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Mansfield Larry Summers's resignation is demeaning for all involved. He also cared for Philadelphia, for which he labored tirelessly both before and after his retirement from business on behalf of its inhabitants' security and quality of life. Forefather of the United States, and so on. He was. This can otherwise be known as trying to reach a state of moral perfection, in which one could find themselves being happy with the life they live, and also living a pure, sinless life. Benjamin Franklin facts, information, pictures franklin argues that the remarkable thing about living creatures is that all, regardless of kind or individual characteristics, are subject to disease. He would be the tenth out of seventeen children that his father, Josiah Franklin, would have.

But so little did that propaganda reflect his moral high dudgeon that Franklin was still hoping for a job in the British government until the Hutchinson affair in , just a year before he was forced to flee London. Can anyone blame Madison for later suspecting Franklin to be a spy? And the matter of William is telling, but tells just the opposite of what Pangle suggests.

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Franklin rather complains of William's "taking up arms against me, in a cause, wherein my good fame, fortune and life were all at stake. The issue was the hurt to Franklin, not to cause and country Franklin never mentions justice. Again, the natural duties trump political obligation and consist in what William owed to Franklin's good fame, fortune, and life.

Franklin's tone in the letter is sad and hurt but, even so, still cooled with the usual touch of Franklin playfulness; there isn't a hint of the bitterness or moral indignation Pangle tries hard to find. I may have misled Mr. But Franklin could have agreed with Slack that it could be useful to refer to such rights, as Franklin did on a very few occasions.

He once wrote that a right is "whatever a man thinks is his right. Franklin did indeed once call marriage "the most natural State of Man. He claims that the expansion of the United States in the 19th century "required" the expansion of the Capitol from its earlier form to the building we have today. I suspect that the legislators who approved the expansion could have squeezed themselves together more tightly, if they were so inclined; they didn't "require" the additional space.

But when Congress approved the expansion in there was another, more pressing requirement: the need to protect the Union from secessionist forces.

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It is my guess that the enlarged building was created as a response to that crisis. By making a new Capitol of almost excessive grandeur, the lawmakers were proclaiming the victory of their political project, and thus silencing doubts including their own about the future of the republic. And when secession came and war with it, the construction of the Capitol was continued as a way of emphasizing that proclamation. Architecture is or was the art of established institutions.

From the earliest times, governments have responded to heightened threats by means of building.

Benjamin Franklin Essay

The Capitol is another instance of that old story. And it should be regarded among other things as a memorial to the politics of the antebellum period. Goldwater biographer Rick Perlstein claims that the senator had barely read it, and according to Busch, it was ghostwritten by L. It is certainly true that many of the most prominent names in Reagan-era conservatism cut their political teeth on the Goldwater campaign, but it is equally true that key figures in the libertarian movement did as well.

Milton Friedman, after all, was his principal economic advisor. Karl Hess, one of his primary speechwriters, would go on to become a founding member of the Libertarian Party. Incidentally, Goldwater would tell Hess in , "When the histories are written, I'll bet that the Old Right and the New Left are put down as having a lot in common and that the people in the middle will be the enemy.

Busch's purpose seems to be to contrast an allegedly valueless and amoral libertarianism with the healthy natural-rights conservatism of the founders. To this end Busch quotes selectively from Darcy Olson of the Goldwater Institute, being careful to get in the "L" word, but the full quote is: "It's its own brand. It's very libertarian, very Founding Fathers, very traditional American principles, really. If there is a difference between traditional conservatives and libertarians along these lines, it is that the former see the promotion of these institutions as an essential function of government, while the latter view them as the products of a healthy civil society.

If traditional religion and morality are so weak that they require government force to prop them up, surely they are not likely to serve as reliable pillars for the republic. What this means is that we ought not be surprised by the disparity between the rhetoric Goldwater employed about "nature and nature's God" and man as a spiritual being none of which is necessarily controversial from a libertarian point of view , and the dearth of practical political proposals that he actually advanced to promote these ideas.

The only ones Busch mentions are voluntary school prayer the operative term being "voluntary" and commitment to local control of education—and once again, I know of no libertarian opposed to either of these. One might compare these to the difference between Reagan's rhetoric on social issues, and his lack of tangible accomplishments along those lines after eight years in office. Perhaps the question we should be asking is not whether Goldwater was a Reagan Republican, but whether Reagan was. Busch replies: My argument was about both Barry Goldwater as a person and "Goldwater conservatism" as it is understood.

What John Moser never acknowledges is that Goldwater's views shifted over the years; he was not firmly pro-choice on abortion until , and did not make pro-gay rights pronouncements until the early s. While I was attempting to demonstrate that President Bush's social conservatism does not represent a radical departure from Goldwater's, this is not quite the same as trying to "enlist Barry Goldwater into the ranks of Bush-era conservatism.

To put it another way, I think the Goldwater of would not have been uncomfortable—and the vast majority of his supporters certainly would not have been uncomfortable—hearing Bush discuss the religious roots of natural rights, call for a "culture of life," or point out the benefits of faith-based charities.

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I think Goldwater would have been extremely uncomfortable with the No Child Left Behind Act, the Medicare prescription drug benefit, and the president's total inattention to the rhetorical task of defending the principles of federalism and limited government. The "fusion" between economic libertarianism and social traditionalism that defined Goldwater's and Reagan's presidential candidacies is good for Republicans and, more importantly, good for the country. If Republicans have become too weighted toward social conservatism in the Bush years, it is not because he has added too much social conservatism.

It is because he has subtracted too much limited government. Anderson doesn't argue that the conservative-friendly "new media" is some highbrow displacement of the old one, as Douthat claims he does, but that important changes have taken place in the media over the last decade and that these changes favor conservatives. In fact, the book's commercial success proves its own point: whereas in years past such a book would have been ignored by liberal-media gatekeepers, the new media helped make it a bestseller.

Anderson's accomplishment was to carefully catalogue these changes. Fox News, for instance, was launched in with access to 17 million homes. CNN had 70 million.

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Apparently, there was demand. The story of blogs is even more interesting. But Douthat sniffs at blogs as the media equivalent of those slim suckerfish that chomp parasitically on the bellies of sharks and whales. He's right that blogs don't produce original reporting, but mind the exceptions: the military blogs, for one, or the new Pajamas Media consortium. The new media—the constellation of blogs, radio stations, publishers, and Fox News now establishing an anti-establishment—is well on its way.

Rush Limbaugh is not Edmund Burke, fine, but he did manage to ruin Bill Clinton's day more than once. Sometimes that's enough.